The Destruction of India,

its Cause and Prevention.


THERE are in India 320 million people, which is three quarters of the population of the British Empire. They belong to several different races: there is a faint Aryan strain in some of the aristocratic families and in the upper castes of Hinduism, but it is swamped by “native” blood of other races, and India is now a land of brown‑skinned people representing a mixture of the ancient black Dravidian aboriginal with Asiatic invaders of Armenoid, Oriental and Mongoloid origin.


India is best understood as a Continent in itself, for this enormous population is practically cut off from the rest of Asia by mountains almost impassable either by reason of their height or their extent or their jungle‑growth. The successive invasions which India has undergone have been either through two openings in the Western Mountain barrier or by Sea. Aryan colonies from Sumer existed on the Indus as far back as 2,900 B.C., and when the Aryans invaded the Gangetic valley in the 7th century, B.C., civilisation in India emerged therefrom. Greek, Scythian, Mahomedan and Mongol invasions have been succeeded by European conquest, leaving the territory, with trifling exceptions, in British hands. For every Briton in occu­pation, there are 3,000 natives.


About 77 per cent of the Indian peoples live in British India proper, and the rest are under native Princes who manage their own internal affairs in Native States.


The 320 million people of India share among them 147 languages.


More important by far than this, is the fact that they also share a large number of conflicting religions. The majority, say 220 millions, belong to the Hindu religion, with its caste system which prevents any member from marrying outside his own caste; the higher castes regard the lower castes as “un­touchables,” and as there is absolutely no “democratic” spirit, all castes accept the situation as part of the scheme of things. The largest minority religion is the Mahomedan, monotheistic and without caste: they number nearly 70 million, or 20 per cent. of the whole. Buddhists account for 9 million, and among the rest are the Sikhs (2 million only), Jains, Christians, Parsees, and certain “pagans.” Even in a small pamphlet like this, the Sikhs deserve special mention; they are a fighting nation, formed in 1469 and united by a religious creed which enjoins not only a life of purity with abolition of caste, but a military discipline, which has given these people a character and a prestige which no mere numbers could have done.


Not more than 10 percent. at an outside estimate, of the Indian people are literate in their own language.


There is an intense hostility between the Hindu and Mahom­edan communities, which is rendered more formidable by the fact that, man for man, the Mahomedan outclasses the Hindu in fighting qualities to such an extent as to minimise the effect of his comparatively small numbers. It is no exaggeration to say that this hostility between two religious orders in India far exceeds any ill‑feeling that may exist between the most fanatical of either sect towards the Briton.


There is also an hereditary rivalry between the Mahomedan and the Sikh, but in this case the hostility of each side is tempered by respect for the fighting powers of the other party. Such hostility will not last for ever.


Among the Hindus there are some castes and tribes of great fighting capacity, such as the noble Rajputs, the staunch Gurkhas and the Dogras. But the vast majority of the Hindus are of the servile type, incapable of self‑defence. It is this hotch-potch of trouble that our political madmen propose to subject to the blessings of self‑government or “democracy”!




It is important that the case should be stated truthfully, without hypocrisy, without exaggeration.


The British have brought to India what the Aryan brought in the days of old:—civilisation in place of chaos; honesty in place of wholesale corruption; security in place of persecution. But the whole process has of late been spoiled, contaminated and partly neutralised by the British power itself succumbing to the destructive influence of Judah.


Britain found India a prey to organised internal violence and looting. She gave it security.


The institution of Thuggee, a system of religious ritual murder accounting for 10,000 lives per annum, and conducted by a secret sect, powerfully supported by native authorities, was tracked to its source and defeated. The Hindu practices of widow‑burning (“Suttee”) and of female infant murder were stopped by the British Indian law.


Irrigation has been forced forward under British rule until Famine has become a thing of the past. Disease and crime have been brought under control. Great material benefits have come from the institution of efficient transport and post. A true system of Justice, with the establishment of a Supreme Power which protects the natives from one another, has put an end to the murder and devastation which is the History of India written in blood by native rule.


The benefit to Britain has been enormous. Twenty years ago our export trade with India was worth £65 millions per annum, and employed 300,000 of our people. The British have invested £1,000 millions sterling in India.


British life has been sacrificed freely on the frontier against enemies which India herself could not cope with. On the other side of the scale, we have dragged India into Jew‑engineered Wars of our own.




There is no need to detail the White Paper proposals; the chief facts are that a measure of Democracy is proposed which will enfranchise about 17 per cent of the population, and that the rule of India is to be handed over to Indians whilst a British Army and a Viceroy remain as “safeguards.” The “safeguards” would amount to NIL because an Army deprived of transport services, and communications (rail, post and telegraph services) would not be able to function.


The White Paper proposals mean the abandonment of India to internal strife, corruption, anarchy and massacre; they mean the betrayal of all those great Aryan Britons from Clive onward who have built up our great heritage in India.


“Indian nationalism” is sheer humbug; there is no Indian Nation, but only a number of factions, each anxious to plunder and control the others; the Aryan blood of the upper castes and aristocracy has worn too thin to give them any claim to rule; the high idealism which possesses the few is its only legacy, and is never translated into practice in a corporate spirit. The Aryan tradition only survives as THOUGHT, not action.


No thoughtful Indian wants the White Paper; the Government of Great Britain is forcing the issue by methods which puzzle its honest British supporters. In India, it is an open secret that the Indian Princes of the Native States do not want the White Paper.


Neither the Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes nor the Bengal Police authorities were allowed to give evidence before the so‑called “Joint Select Committee” of enquiry. The European Association’s supposed support of the proposals was “wangled” and entirely unrepresentative. The extremist Indian politicians, who are men of the most useless type, say they will wreck the new Constitution proposed. The illiterate Indian majority knows nothing about it and cares less; it is interested in the land, not in politics. The great majority of literate Indians fear the pro­posals, and the only ones who want to get rid of the British are those who hope to step into their jobs—which they would not be able to keep for two months!


When chaos breaks out once more in India through the opera­tion of the White Paper “Constitution” and its “safeguards” (which do not exist except on paper), one of three things must happen:—


1. The British must do the work of Clive all over again at heavy loss of life and wealth—and time; or


2. The Japanese will land in India and take charge of it; or


3. There will be anarchy throughout the Peninsula, and the Afghans will pour over the North‑West Frontier to loot and destroy, true to their racial Armenoid instincts, and within six months there will not be a rupee or a virgin in the country. Then will follow the forces of the Jewish Soviet of Russia.





The White Paper is one of the last trump‑cards of the Jew Money Power in the age‑long struggle between Non‑Aryan and Aryan, Destruction and Construction, Asia and Europe. The past record of the Government of India is the outstanding example of the success of Aryan rule over a continent racially incapable of ruling itself. To destroy Ayran prestige in India is to kill it throughout Asia. That is the object of Jewish Politics applied to India.


If we are to be allowed time to stop this thing even at the eleventh hour, it will be because the hand of the Jew is stayed, because HITLER HAS ARISEN, and it may be the White Paper would so weaken the British Empire that it would no longer be able to take its part in smashing Germany in Jewish interests. For any delay in the application of the White Paper policy, therefore, do not thank Public Opinion or the Indian Empire Society; THANK HITLER!




The easiest way to smash the British Empire was to strike at it in India by reducing the power, and authority of the White Man’s Government.


It was the Jew, E. S. Montagu, who was made Secretary of State for India in 1917 (that fatal year for Russia in the midst of the War) and who promptly made a speech in the House advocating more democracy for India, that continent of conflicting races and religions; next, he released Mrs. Besant, a prominent mischief‑maker and, in November, went to India in person, to stir up, as he put it, “the pathetic contentment of the people,” and devise further surrender to the Babu humbugs’ claims of “nationalism.”


It was Lord Reading who went out as Viceroy, and promptly sent for Gandhi to interview him “as man to man,” hereby giving that politician a prestige of which he did not fail to take advantage to stir up more strife. It was Lord Reading who did all he could to get Indians in Kenya the same status as white men.


Lord Olivier, Secretary of State for India in Council, stated in the House of Lords, 5th April, 1933, that Lord Reading said that the condition of affairs in India was such and the reasonable demands so strong that it was absolutely necessary that there should be an early modification of the present existing arrange­ments (Dyarchy); “that was his advice” added Lord Olivier, “and that was what really started the present movement which developed into the White Paper.”


A Report of the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reform (Vol. 25), discloses that Lord Reading when Viceroy instructed Lord Rawlinson, then Commander‑in‑Chief in India, to draw up a scheme for the complete Indianisation of the Army within thirty years.


Thus it is proved from official sources that the White Paper and Army Indianisation are both the product of Jewish Rule in India.


Lord Reading had dug himself well in. He has been Chairman of a Committee in London to “advise” the proprietors of the Statesman and the Englishman, and we suppose that he dominated them by interlocking financial and commercial interests as he did the “European Association.” Lord Reading is, of course, directly connected with Wall Street Jew financiers (and through them with Soviet Russia) by the “Finance Corporation of Great Britain and America,” founded by the Chase National Bank of New York and Imperial Chemical Industries in 1928.


Here are some facts which make it clear how easy it has been for the Jew to hoodwink Democracy and so rule India:


Morning Post, 17th February, 1933:—


“There is a growing feeling of uneasiness at the Government’s policy among M.P.’s who have hitherto taken little interest in the Indian Question.” (Our italics).


Jewish Chronicle, June, 1932:—Mr. D. Myers has acted as Secretary of the Indian Committee of Conservative M.P.’s for eight years (Mr. Myers is a Jew).


When M.P.’s are like that no wonder the White Paper is the result!


Again, with regard to the vital matter of India’s currency and credit, we find the same apathy on the part of the Gentile, the same pushfulness on the part of the Jew.


At Ottawa, India was “represented” on the Committee for Monetary and Financial questions by the two Jews, Strakosch and Schuster. On the Committee reporting on the conditions to govern the establishment of a Reserve Bank for India, we are told by the Morning Post, 17th August, 1933, that “among the Englishmen serving were Sir Cecil Kisch, Sir George Schuster and Sir H. Strakosch.”


But what, the reader may ask, is the Conservative Party doing to let this state of things be? The Boss of the Show at the Conservative Central Office is the Librarian, Mr. P. Cohen, and the Propaganda Officer calls himself Mr. A. Clavering, but he altered his real name by Deed Poll on 11th November, 1900 from Albert Closenberg and stood as a Lloyd‑George Liberal candidate at the General Election of Nov., 1922, for Hampstead! The Conservative Party, like the others, is a Jew Party.


Why does the Jew want Democracy in India, whilst opposing it in Palestine? Because Democracy would lose India for the British and would lose Palestine for the Jew, where he is a small minority. It is all perfectly simple.




That also is simple. It is to put India once more under Aryan rule. But before that can be done, we have to restore Aryan rule in this country, Britain.


The first “clean‑up” must be here, at home; all Jewish influence must be eliminated from our National Life, and ALL JEWS MUST GO.


It has been done before; it can be done again.




For political purposes, we Fascists believe that there is a more fundamental classification of the Indian population than the one usually made; the essential guide to the political future of India is not obtained by regarding them as Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains, Parsees, Pagans, Christians, etc. The real cleavage between the various Indian peoples is dependent on the possession or the absence of a Fighting Spirit. Pacifists will, of course, hold up their hands in horror at the idea. Nevertheless, we know we are right.


A Fighting Race is not different from a non‑fighting Race simply because of a mischievous or irresponsible predilection for violence, such as some Irish seem to possess; that would not explain the average travelled Briton’s experience that the Fighting Races of the world are always the noblest.


No; a fighting race gets its reputation as such from the fact that its members possess to a high degree the noble instinct and tradition which makes them, as individuals, when occasion arises, willing to suffer death, if need be, in a cause which is greater than themselves; such a cause as defence of a territory, a religion, a principle, a race or a respected ruler, against an enemy from without.


The non‑fighting or slave races acquire notoriety as such because they are not capable as a whole of attaining this level of self-sacrificing nobility. They remain ignoble; they are despised, and rightly so. That is why the intellectual Bengali commands less respect among white men than the comparatively slow‑witted Baluch or the crude Pathan.


The fighting races of India are the Sikhs, Rajputs, Punjabi Mahommedans, Dogras, Pathans and Gurkhas. Of these, the Gurkhas and Dogras and many of the Rajputs belong to self-ruling Native States, such as Nepal, Kashmir and the States of Rajputana. As far as British India is concerned, the matter is comparatively simple, a matter of Sikhs, Punjabi Muslims, Pathans and Rajputs, whilst some would add the Mahrattas to the list.


Practically all the rest of India can be relegated to the category of non‑fighting races. In Fascist eyes, they do not possess the instinctive urge which would qualify them to regard themselves as really National. They are slave‑races, happy under just masters, and for such peoples to aspire to anything higher than dependence on others seems the most transparent humbug.


The principles from which it would be folly, and contrary to experience, to depart, can be defined without much difficulty:—


1. As regards Native States, we have no right to interfere with the internal Government of these territories, except in cases of flagrant misrule. Their political institutions are their own con­cern. Their foreign policy, however, must be ours, as at present.


2. It is absolutely necessary that British domination be main­tained over all vital affairs of British India. These include the Army, Navy, Air‑Force, Currency Management, Justice, Police, Public Debt, Customs, Post Office, Telegraphs, Wireless, Con­trol of Arms and Explosives, and Public Health. This British domination must be Jew‑free.


3. The Non‑fighting Races have established no claim to Nationality; they are happy under just Aryan Rule, which should be absolute over them.


4. The Fighting Races have established a strong claim to nationality which it would be unjust to ignore. They are not however, strong enough to be able to establish nationality except within the Empire. They have, collectively, the respect of the ruling race. In every area in which there is a preponderance of Fighting Races over non‑fighting races within British India, it happens that there is an industrial interest which is absolutely supreme, and that is the Agricultural one. Practically, in relation to the prosperity of the inhabitants, it is the only one.


It is of real and practical moment to every Punjabi that the best use should be made of the Land, and that the profits arising there­from should be equitably shared so that the Punjabi, peasant or coolie, shall have within his reach always a sufficiency of food, and increasingly greater leisure and opportunity for national culture. To this end, representation of the Fighting Races should be developed on the fines of an Agricultural Corporate State; large land‑owners, peasant owners, coolies, dependent trades and so on, with due regard to the different interests of agriculturalists in Irrigated and Dry Farming areas respectively, should be repre­sented separately as such. The activities of the Corporation as far as the Government is concerned should be advisory and its relation to the Governmental Executive intimate. This Corpora­tive system would automatically exclude the possibility of native Councils being dominated, as heretofore, by lawyers and Babu gasbags. It introduces the native to participation in Statesman­ship in respect to the farming problems which are familiar to him, and in which he is in some measure, expert.


The Agricultural Corporation would be entrusted with the primary duty of securing fair remuneration for the land‑worker, with increasingly greater leisure; and one of its principal functions would be the study of new methods, their trial and their introduction as requisite. The Head of the Governmental Agricultural Depart­ment would be the Minister for the Agricultural Corporation and it would maintain the closest relations with the Irrigation Authority, the Medical, Veterinary, and Forest Departments and Railway Management.


By these measures, India under British rule would be on the direct track towards cultural and material development on realist lines; when the Indian landworkers’ standards of living are raised, those of all Indian labour are obliged to follow, for in India agriculture is still aristocrat among the industries.


A. S. L.