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ULSTER COUNTY UNDER THE DUTCH

 

 

CHAPTER I.

 

THE RED MEN

 

THE English named the Indians, who occupied the greater part of New Jersey and Delaware, and the valley of the Delaware river in Pennsylvania, after that river upon whose banks, near the site of Philadelphia, blazed their council fire.

 

They proudly called themselves Lenni‑Lenape (original or pre‑eminent men). Their Totem was the wolf from which the French called them Loups (wolves).

 

The Indians, inhabiting Ulster County and the adja­cent regions, belonged to the Munsee (at the place where stones are gathered together) tribe, one of the principal divisions of the Delawares. They occupied the head waters of the Delaware and the west bank of the Hudson from the Catskills to the borders of New Jersey. Their principal band was the Minisinks (the place of the Minsi), who occupied the southwest part of Ulster and Orange counties and the adjoining parts of New Jersey and Pennsylvania.

 

The other bands were the Catskills, Mamekotings, Warwarsinks, Waoranecs, and Warranawonkongs.

 

They were called the five tribes of the Esopus country.

 

These were the "Esopus Indians," whose war‑whoops terrified the Dutchmen at Esopus; who laid Wildwyck in ashes and who battled for their hunting grounds against the troops of Martin Cregier. The Catskills had their principal village just north of the Esopus creek. In all probability they were the Indians mentioned in the journal of Henry Hudson:‑-"At night we came to other mountaines, which lie from the river's side. There wee found very loving people, and very old men; where wee were well used."

 

The Warwarsinks were located in the town of War­warsing, at or near the junction of the Warwarsing and the Rondout creek. The name probably means:‑-"At a place where the stream bends, winds, twists, or eddies around a point or promontory." Other authorities give the meaning:‑-"Many hollow stones," referring to stones hollowed out by the action of the creek. The Mamekotings occupied Mamakating valley west of the Shawangunk mountains. The word probably means:--"the place at or on a very bad hill."

 

The Waoranecs were located at the mouth of Wappingers creek and around the cove or bay at the head of Newburgh bay. The Warranawonkongs was the principal band of the Esopus Indians. They had a village in the town of Shawangunk and another in the town of Warwarsing. Their wigwams stood at and about Wildwyck, now Kingston. They frequented the mouth of the Rondout creek.

 

The names of the two last above bands are probably derived from a word signifying:-‑"hollowing, concave site." "Cove." "Bay." Descriptive of Newburgh bay and the mouth of the Rondout creek.

 

Each of these bands had its main village where their forts were erected. These were defended by three rows of palisades and the houses in the fort encircled by thick cleft palisades with port holes in them, and covered with the bark of trees. During the summer and fall they roamed over the surrounding country in search of game and built their temporary huts wherever trade, the chase or fancy called them.

 

Two main trails led from the Delaware to the Hudson river. One began, on the Neversink creek near Port Jervis, ran through the Mamakating valley and struck the Rondout creek near Napanoch. Then down that stream to Marbletown. Then across to the Esopus creek and down the same to its mouth at Saugerties. The other crossed the mountains at Minnisink to the valley of the Wallkill and followed that and the Rondout creek to the Hudson at Kingston.

 

Many paths led from the one trail to the other, traces of these remain to this day. Long before the advent of the white‑man the Indian warriors silently trod these trails in search of their enemy and beside these paths they lay in ambuscade awaiting their foe. It was at the end of these trails, at the mouth of the Esopus and the Rondout, that they stood gazing in fear and in wonder at the ship of Hudson beating its way up the river that was to bear his name.

 

In the valleys through which ran these trails they pitched their wigwams, planted and cultivated their crops and pursued the deer and the bear in the surround­ing forest.

 

Down these trails came the Indian Braves armed with gun and with hatchet to lay in ruins the settlement of the white‑man at Esopus, and over them they fled back to their mountain fastness.

 

The mode of life, the habits and customs of the Indians are too well‑known to require description here. Only those disclosed by the records as characteristic of the Esopus tribes are here alluded to.

 

The tribes were divided into clans or families, each having its chief. The names of some of these families have been preserved, as the Amogarickakan family, the Kettsypowy family, the Mahon family, and the Kata­tawis family.

 

They did not subsist upon the chase alone. They cul­tivated their fields. They raised large quantities of corn and vegetables, which they stored in the ground for winter use. Monianac (Indian corn or Maize) was their main food supply.

 

Martin Cregier, who destroyed their villages after the burning of Wildwyck in 1663, states that his troops cut down, near one of their forts, about two hundred and fifteen acres of growing maize and burnt above [i.e.; more than] a hundred pits full of corn and beans. Here is a descrip­tion of their management of the corn crop and the uses to which they put it, written in 1628.

 

"At the end of March they begin to break up the earth with mattocks, which they buy from us for the skins of beavers or otters, or for sewan. They make heaps like molehills, each about two and a half feet from the others, which they sow or plant in April with maize, in each heap five or six grains; in the middle of May, when the maize is the height of a finger or more, they plant in each heap three or four Turkish beans, which then grow up with and against the maize, which serves for props, for the maize grows on stalks similar to the sugar cane. It is a grain to which much labor must be given, with weeding and earthing‑up, or it does not thrive; and to this the women must attend very closely. Those stalks which are low and bear no ears, they pluck up in August, and suck out the sap, which is as sweet as if it were sugar‑cane. When they wish to make use of the grain for bread or porridge, which they call Sappaen, they first boil it and then beat it flat upon a stone; then they put it into a wooden mortar, which they know how to hollow out by fire; and then they have a stone pestle, which they know how to make themselves, with which they pound it small, and sift it through a small basket, which they understand how to weave of the rushes before mentioned. The finest meal they mix with luke­warm water, and knead it into dough, then they make round, flat little cakes of it, of the thickness of an inch or a little more, which they bury in hot ashes, and so bake into bread; and when these are baked they have some fresh water by them in which they wash them while hot, one after another, and it is good bread, but heavy. The coarsest meal they boil into a porridge, as is before mentioned, and it is good eating when there is butter over it, but a food which is very soon digested. The grain being dried, they put it into baskets woven of rushes or wild hemp, and bury it into the earth, where they let it lie, and go with their husbands and children in October to hunt deer, leaving at home with their maize the old people who cannot follow; in December they return home, and the flesh which they have not been able to eat while fresh, they smoke on the way, and bring it back with them. They come home as fat as moles."

 

The Dutch called the Indians who were not chiefs "Barebacks," alluding to the fact that during the summer season they wore no clothing on the upper part of the body. To return the compliment the Indians called the Dutch "Schwonnacks," signifying "people of the salt water," because the Dutch had come over the sea.

 

They had their festivals, social gatherings, dances and general jollifications, called "cantico" or "kintacoy." The use of this word, descriptive of a dance, any social gathering or a drunken carouse, lingers among the descendants of the Dutch in Ulster County to this day.

 

The Indians had a "Tennis‑Court" near the corner of Hone and Pierpont streets in the city of Kingston. It is mentioned by Thomas Chambers in a letter written in 1658.

 

One of the favorite games of all the Eastern tribes was played with a small ball of deerskin stuffed with hair or moss, or a round piece of wood, with one or two netted rackets somewhat like tennis rackets. Two goals were set up at a distance of several hundred yards from each other, and the abject of each party was to drive the ball under the goal of the opposing party by means of the racket, without touching it with the hand. Two families or two tribes played against each other. The game was attended with dancing and feasting, and the stakes ran high. This undoubtedly was the game played at the Tennis‑Court mentioned by Chambers. The Indians used this game as a stratagem to obtain entrance to Ft. Mackinaw in 1764, of which Parkman gives a vivid description in his "Conspiracy of Pontiac." It was adopted by the Canadians as their national game, under the name of la crosse.

 

Great misapprehension exists as to the status of the Indian woman. She is usually pictured as a mere beast of burden, a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for her husband and the family. It is true, she did the household work, tilled the fields and gathered the crops, but to no greater extent than do the peasant women of Germany, France, Holland and Russia. It is no in­frequent sight, even at this day, to see women laboring in the fields in the land of the Esopus.

 

[p. 10]

Some of the clans had a chieftainess who ruled and governed them. Her word was law. One of these, Nipapoa, held sway over a band of the Catskills. On her wigwam was painted the figure of a wolf, the totemic emblem of her tribe. She was part owner of Campels Island, lying south of Albany. In 1661 she joined in a deed of the same to Andries Herbertsen and Rutger Jacobsen. In 1677 the chieftainesses Wawawamis and Mamaroch join in a deed to Louis DuBois and his associates of land at New Paltz.

 

The women had a voice in the council of the tribe. Even in the weighty matters of war or peace they were consulted.

 

In 1660 the Esopus chief, Seweckenamo, while en­gaged in negotiating a treaty of peace with the council at New Amsterdam, stated that he had spoken with the women about it. Had asked them what they thought best and they had answered that they desired peace; "that we may peacefully plant the land and live in peace."

 

Women's rights and the rights of women were well recognized. It was not necessary for the squaws to organize a suffragette party. They usually got what they wanted. The secret of their great influence probably lay in the fact that each of them was an ex­cellent cook and each wife became the mother of a lusty brood of papooses.

 

The names of a number of the chiefs appear of record. Occasionally a fact or incident concerning them lights up these old Dutch annals.

 

Preumaecker. He, with other chiefs, ceded lands at Wildwyck to Governor Stuyvesant in 1658. He was the oldest Esopus Sachem.

 

Seweckenamo. He was one of the chiefs in 1658 at the time of the cession of lands at Esopus to Stuyvesant. He signed the treaties of peace of 1660 and 1664.

 

In 1665, with other chiefs, he executed a deed con­veying lands at Esopus to Governor Nicolls. As evidence of the execution of the deed the chiefs delivered to the governor two small sticks and in the name of their "subjects," one of the "subjects" delivered to Nicolls, "two other small, round sticks in token of their assent." In return Nicolls delivered to the chiefs "three Laced Redd Coates." He was one of the Esopus Sachems who conveyed lands at New Paltz, sixteen miles south of Wildwyck, to Lewis DuBois and his associates in 1677.

 

He was instrumental in having the prisoners taken at Wildwyck in 1663 returned to their homes. After the war of 1664 he appeared before the council at New Amsterdam, pathetically told the sorrows of his people, and asked that provisions be sent to them as they had nothing to live on.

 

Kaelcop. (Baldhead.) In 1659 he warned "Kit" Davis to move away from the strand as the Indians intended to attack the whites. He was a party to the above treaty of 1660. In 1677 he, for himself and the Amogarickakan family, and Ankerop for himself and the Kettsypowy family, executed a deed of the remain­ing lands of the Indians at Esopus to Governor Andros.

 

Ankerop. He evidently was cautious in executing deeds or binding himself by treaties, for his name seldom appears appended to such instruments. He owned lands in the town of Warwarsing as late as 1699. In 1680 he was living in the town of Rosendale, about eight miles south of Kingston. In that year Jacob Rutgersen leased land in that town to Dirck Keyser. The lease pro­vides‑‑"The lessee shall, during the lease, permit Ankerop to plant four schepels of maize, and shall plow for him two days in the year, but as soon as Ankerop is dead Dirck Keyser shall be exempt from the same."

 

In 1677 Governor Andros granted a patent to Lewis DuBois and his partners of a tract of land at New Paltz which they had purchased of the Indians in the same year. Some doubt arose as to the exact location of one of the corners of the patent. So in 1722 the justices of the county asked Ankerop to point it out. The old Indian took the magistrates "to the high mountain, which is named 'Maggrnapogh,' now the famous summer resort, 'Lake Mohunk,'" and pointed out the corner.

 

What a spectacle. There on the mountain summit stood the old chief. Beneath him, on the one side, the valley of the Wallkill. On the other, the valley of the Rondout and the Esopus. There had stood the villages of his people. There, waving, tossing in the summer breezes, their fields of maize. There, the women had tilled the fields and the children laughed and played amid the daises and the flowers. Over the trails, crossing these very mountains, he had led his braves to the chase and to war. Gone. All gone now. The white man had taken them all. What must have been his thoughts as the sun went down, and hill and valley, forest and stream, slowly faded into the shadows.

 

After the destruction of their villages in 1663 the Indians lived in peace with the whites. At the out­break of the Revolutionary War but few were left in Ulster County.

 

Most of them had left the valley of the Hudson and were living in the Indian village of Oquaga, near the site of Binghamton. In 1778 the Iroquois, the allies of the British, made this village their headquarters. In the same year the Americans, under Colonel Butler, attacked and destroyed the village. Their homes gone, a portion of the Esopus clans joined the Oneidas and moved with them to their reservation in Wisconsin. Most of them journeyed down the Susquehanna and joined the Delawares. The march of the white man forced the Delawares into Ohio, Indiana, Missouri and finally, in 1867, to the Indian territory, where they were incorporated with the Cherokees.

 

Few memorials of them remain in Ulster County. Occasionally, the plow turning over the sod upon which once stood their wigwams, brings to the surface their stone arrow heads and hatchets. In the town of Esopus, on the shore of the Hudson, the figure of an Indian chief is cut in the rock. Two plumes adorn the head. One hand holds a wand, the other a gun. So he stands, forever gazing over the waters upon which his people paddled their canoes.

 

Here and there, a locality, stream and mountain, still bear the names the red men gave them.

 

Esopus is from Sepu, "river" and ‑es "small."

 

Honk Falls, a falls on the Rondout creek in the town of Warwarsing, is from Hannek, "a rapid stream."

 

Kerhonkson, a village in the town of Warwarsing, is probably derived from "Gahan," "shallow, low water."

 

Koxing Kill, a stream in the town of Rosendale, from Koghksohsing, "near a high place."

 

Lackawack, a settlement in the town of Warwarsing, from a word meaning "The Fork," "Fork of a river."

 

Meenahga, the name of a hotel on the Shawangunk mountains, a forced rendering of Mih'n‑acki, "Huckleberry land."

 

Napanoch, a village, from a word meaning "Water land, or land overflowed with water."

 

Shandaken, a town, from "Schindak," "Hemlock Woods," Schindaking‑-"At the hemlock woods," or place of hemlocks.

 

Shokan, a village in the town of Olive, now covered by the waters of the great reservoir the City of New York was constructed from a word meaning, "Outlet or mouth of a stream." Ashokan is a pronunciation.

 

Warwarsing, from a word meaning "At a place where the stream winds, bends, twists, or eddies around a point."

 

Mohunk, the famous summer resort on the Shaw­angunk mountains, is probably from Magonck or Magunk, "a great tree." The word appears in various forms: Moggoneck, Maggonck, Moggonock, Maggrnapogh. A great tree may have stood on or at the foot of the mountain where Ankerop stood when he pointed out the boundaries of the new Paltz patent.

 

Shawangunk, now the name of a town, a stream, and the mountain range extending through the southern part of the county, was originally applied to an indefinite tract of land situated in the present towns of Gardiner and Shawangunk, lying between the Shawangunk Kill and the mountains. It is probably from Shawan, "South." South mountain. South water. South place, or from Shaw, "Side" ‑ong, "hill" and ‑unk "At" (or on) the hill side.

 

For many years an old Indian lived in a shanty on the bank of the Rondout creek, a mile or so above the city of Kingston. He died there in 1830. He was buried beside his hut. He was the last of the Esopus.

 

A monument has been erected to the memory of Thomas Chambers, the first white settler in the land of the Esopus.

 

Why should not a shaft be reared to the memory of the Indians? To perpetuate the names of Preumaecker; Seweckenamo; Ankerop; and that old baldhead, Kaelcop. They were pure Americans. They were the first settlers. They owned the land. They battled for their homes, though they were but wigwams. They fought for their wives, though they were but squaws. With dauntless courage, they faced death for their children, though they were but papooses. All honor to them. To every one of them.

 

 

CHAPTER II.

 

THE COMING OF THE WHITE MAN

 

THE first settlement within the limits of the present county of Ulster was made at Esopus. Where and whence Esopus?

 

In 1614 some merchants of Holland, who had sent ships to trade in the lands discovered by Henry Hudson caused a "Figurative Map" of the same to be made. They laid it before the State's General and requested and obtained a special charter giving them the exclusive right to visit and navigate to the same. On this map, on the east side of the Hudson, at about the latitude of Catskill, is the name of a tribe of Indians, the "War­onecks," and just below is the word "Esopus."

 

In 1624, Nicolaes van Wassenaer, writing of the Indians inhabiting New Netherland, says: "Near one place, Esopus, are two or three tribes." In 1688, Catelyn Trice, an old French woman, made her deposition in which she states that she came to this country in the year 1623, in the ship Unity, and, "When as ye ship came as farr as Sopus, which is ½ way to Albanie; they lightened ye ship wth some boats yt were left there by ye Dutch that had been there the year before a trade­ing wth ye Indians upont there oune accompts & gone back again to Holland & so brought ye vessel up."

 

In 1625, Johannes de Laet, of Leydon, a director of the West India Company, published his "New World or Description of West India." Its describing the Hudson he says:‑-"This reach (covering Newburgh Bay) ex­tends to another narrow pass, where on the west side of the river, there is a sharp point of land that juts out, with some shoals, and opposite a bend in the river, on which another nation of savages, the Waoranecks, have their abode, at a place called Esopus. A little beyond, on the west side, where there is a creek, and the river becomes more shallow, the Waranawankongs reside; here are several small islands."

 

The ship Rensselaerswyck left Amsterdam September 25, 1636, arrived at Manhattan March 4, 1637, and sailed up the river as far as Fort Orange. The log book of the ship, under date of March 31, 1637, records:-‑"In the morning the wind was about s. w. with fair weather. We got under sail and came to the esoepes. In the eve­ning the wind changed to the north and blew hard." Under date of June 4, 1637, on the voyage down the river, the record is:‑‑"It was calm and we drifted along with the ebb tide and came before the groote esopes. There we got a steady breeze and sailed down the lange rack." David Pieterszoon de Vries sailed up the river to Fort Orange in 1640. In his account of the voyage he says:--­"The 27th (April) we came to Esoopes, where a creek runs in; and there the savages had much maize land, but all somewhat stony." He left Fort Orange May 14th and says:‑-"And the same day reached Esopers, where a creek runs in, and where there is some maize land upon which some savages live."

 

Van Der Doncks map of 1656, of New Netherland, shows the "Groote" Esopus river and also the "Cleyne Esopus."

 

Esopus is from the Indian Sepu, "River" and ‑es, "small." As first used it was applied to an indefinite territory on the east side of the Hudson. About 1623 it was localized at the mouth of the Rondout creek; from which it was extended and applied to several streams; to the Dutch settlement Wildwyck, now Kingston; and to all the surrounding country and to the Indians in­habiting the same.

 

The date of the first white settlement at Esopus has been a much mooted question. As the matter is of con­siderable interest the evidence relating to it is here given.

 

At Fort Orange, on the 5th day of May, 1652, two Indians, "living in the Esopus," conveyed to Thomas Chambers a "parcel of land situated in the Esopus."

 

The Indian trails from the head waters of the Dela­ware River to the Hudson terminated the one, at the mouth of the Esopus Creek at Saugerties, the other at the mouth of the Rondout at Kingston. These two localities were frequented by the Indians. There can be but little doubt that the Dutch from Fort Orange and New Amsterdam, at a very early period, visited the same for trade with them. It is not at all probable that Chambers and those who came to Esopus with him would purchase land in and remove to a place of which they knew nothing. Chambers must have visited the lands he purchased before the execution of the deed. He was a practical, level‑headed Englishman. He would not buy a pig in a poke. There is no evidence of any settlement, or of an attempt to found one, within the present territorial limits of Ulster County, prior to this deed to Chambers.

 

Neither the Figurative Map of 1614 or Van Der Donck's of 1656 show any settlement. Neither Wassenaer, de Vries, de Laet, or the French woman Trico, mention a settlement or use language from which it can be inferred that there was one. This is also true of the log book of the ship Rensselaerswyck. From 1646 to 1654 Chambers occupied a farm in Rensselaers­wyck Manor which he leased from van Rensselaer, the Patroon. His account with the Patroon runs from 1646 to 1666. It contains the following entry:‑-"This day, 14 July, 1654, Thomas Chambers has delivered to me his farm with house, hay barracks and barn and have I released him from his contract. Thomas Chambers in the Esopus."

 

There are but very few entries in the account after the above. On November 18, 1654, the patroon leases the same land to Jan Barentsz Wemp, showing that in July, 1654, Chambers had given up the farm and was at Esopus.

 

A deed from Abraham de Lametter to Wilhelmus Hoghtiling conveying twelve acres "at or near the Rondout upon the strand of the Esopus Creek," states that Johannis Dykmand bought it from the Indians and conveyed it to Christopher Davis, August 16, 1653. Con­firming this on June 11, 1663, the wife of Davis in a petition to Stuyvesant states that Johannes Dykman had granted the land to Davis in 1653; that his dwelling had been burned by the savages; that he had been com­pelled to abandon the property and asks that he be allowed to again take possession and that he have a deed for it.

 

The order of Governor Stuyvesant made May, 1661, erecting the settlement at "the Esopus" into a village states that it had been inhabited six or seven years.

 

The Fort Orange minutes of 1654, state that a letter had been sent to the Director‑General about the excise and the lack of grain measures here, at Katskil and in the Esopus.

 

On September 30, 1654, a resolution was passed to send a yacht to the Manhattan and another to the Esopus for help against the Indians said to be hostile.

 

In 1654 a patent for about sixty‑five acres at Esopus was granted to Juriaen Westphael. On February 2, 1661, Jan Verbeck and Francis Pietersen testified at the request of Evert Pels that they were both present in the spring of 1654 when Pels and the late Jacob Jansen Stoll divided the land bought by them of the Indians at the Esopus.

 

March 27, 1657, Johanna de Hulter, in her petition for a patent for lands at Esopus, states that her deceased husband had applied for a patent for the same Novem­ber 5, 1654.

 

September 25, 1656, a patent for seventy‑two acres of land "opposite to the land of Thomas Chambers" was granted to Christoffel Davids.

 

During September, 1655, the Indians made an attack on New Amsterdam. This caused great alarm through­out all the colony, and the settlers in the outlying towns fled to New Amsterdam.

 

That there were settlers at Esopus at this time and that they joined in the general exodus is evidenced by a letter from Jacob Jansen Stoll to Stuyvesant, dated April 12, 1658, in which, apologizing for the small quantity of grain he sends the Governor, he says he has done the best he could and:--"besides I have got a little behindhand through the last flight." Also by a letter from Thomas Chambers to Stuyvesant dated "Great Aesopus,"

 

May 2, 1658, asking that troops be sent for protection against the Indians:‑-"as we have been driven away once before and expelled from our property and it begins anew now." Also by the fact that in May, 1658, at the time of the building of the stockade at Wildwyck, the settlers told Stuyvesant that they would be ruined men, "if they were now again, as two or three years ago, obliged to leave their property." Also by an order of the Court at Fort Orange in 1656 for contributions for a present to the Indians for ransoming prisoners taken at the Esopus.

 

From all the above it may be safely asserted that the first settlement in Ulster County was made at Esopus in 1652 or 1653.

 

Many of these pioneers came from the Manor of Rensselaerswyck. That princely domain, embracing most of the present counties of Rensselaer, Columbia and Albany except Fort Orange and the land lying immedi­ately about it; over which the Patroon, Kilian van Rens­selaer, ruled a feudal lord.

 

Why did they come? Mayhap it was the wanderlust that lay in the blood. Perhaps the fertile valley of the Esopus Creek, ready for the plow, attracted them. Per­chance there was a broader, a deeper reason. The pat­roon was the chief magistrate of his estate. From the decrees of his courts there was practically no appeal. He had the first right to purchase the products raised by his tenants who must grind their grist at his mill and could not hunt or fish without his license. The tenants of the manor farms were, in large measure, but the vassals of the patroon. Perhaps it was to escape all this, to own themselves, that they left Rensselaerswyck.

 

Perhaps it was their desire to be able to put their foot down upon a spot of ground and say to all the world, this is mine, that induced them to come to the land of the Esopus.

 

 

[p. 20]

 

CHAPTER III

 

THE PLANTING OF ESOPUS

 

EXCEPT the fact that its inhabitants had abandoned their homes at the time of the attack by the Indians on New Amsterdam in 1655, we have no record of the settlement until 1658.

 

They had then built their houses and barns and cultivated the fields. They were ready to battle with the wilderness, with its wild beasts and with the Indians. In this year their troubles with the red men began. On the first of May, 1658, a group of Indians had gathered at their tennis court or ball field near the Rondout Creek. They had a ten gallon keg of brandy. It was pure brandy, for Thomas Chambers tasted it, and Cham­bers knew good brandy. Perhaps they had a ball match and were celebrating. At all events, they got very drunk and about dusk:--"they fired at and killed Harmen Jacobsen, who was standing on the yacht of Willem Moer." During the night they set fire to the house of Jacob Adrijansen. He, with his wife and children, and Andries van der Sluys, who lived in the family, fled to the yacht of Moer. The body of poor Jacobsen was taken on the yacht of Louwrens Louwrensen to Manhattan and there buried. As a sequel to this sad story, Stuyvesant and his council, at the request of the bereaved widow, Marretje Pieters, certified under the seal of the colony that Jacobsen was:--"accidently shot by a drunken Indian or savage who stood on the shore opposite the yacht." The widow evidently desired to rid herself of all that would remind her of her husband, for on May 7, 1658, the court at New Amsterdam appointed Hendrick Janzen vander Vin and Abraham Staats to take charge of the estate of Jacobsen because his widow had "laid the key on the coffin" and "the estate left by him has been kicked away by his wife with the foot," thus testifying that she would have nothing to do with it and had turned it over to his creditors. The Indians grew more insolent and aggressive. They held fire brands under the roofs of the houses declaring they would burn them if the whites did not plow their land which they were compelled to do. They taunted them with their weakness and contemptuously declared if they killed one of them they could pay for it in wam­pum. They called them dogs and threatened to burn their houses. They did not dare leave their dwellings. The fields lay idle. The news of all this, with appeals for help, had been sent to Stuyvesant.

 

On May 18, 1658, Jacob Jansen Stoll, Thomas Cham­bers and others sent Stuyvesant a joint letter calling his attention to the importance of the settlement, telling him of the conduct of the Indians, their defenceless con­dition and imploring him to at once send troops for their protection. On May 28 the council at New Amsterdam directed Stuyvesant to at once proceed to the Esopus with fifty or sixty soldiers. The governor and the troops set sail the next day.

 

They reached the mouth of the Rondout Creek the next day. It was low water and the yacht of Stuyvesant ran aground. A messenger was sent to several Indians whose huts stood on the bank of the creek, asking them to come aboard the yacht and another to tell the settlers of the arrival of the governor.

 

Very shortly Chambers and Andries van der Sluys, who had been anxiously looking for the arrival of the gov­ernor, came on the yacht accompanied by two of the Indians. Stuyvesant assured them that he meant none of them any harm. He had come to ascertain the cause of the trouble between the Indians and the whites. Induced by some presents, they promised to go notify their chiefs to meet the governor the next day at the house of Jacob Jansen Stoll to talk matters over. Then Chambers told the governor of all the depredations of the Indians, mournfully concluding that since they had written him the savages had killed "two sows, being with pig" belonging to Stoll. By this time the yachts bearing the soldiers had arrived. They quietly disembarked, and headed by Chambers, all marched to his house, where they remained over night. We may be sure that the keen eyes of the Indians were watching them as silently, without the beat of drum, they climbed the hill. The same hill down whose slope, over two cen­turies later, marched the boys in blue of Ulster County on their way to the battlefields of the South.

 

The next day, May 30, the troops marched to the home of Stoll, it being nearer the huts of the Indians. It being Ascension Day, divine service was held. In the after­noon Stuyvesant met the settlers. He talked straight to the point. The harvest season was coming on. It was no time to make matters worse by attacking the Indians. He could not protect them as long as they lived separately, their dwellings scattered here and there contrary to the orders of the company. It was abso­lutely necessary that they at once move together where he could assist them with a few soldiers. They must either do this or move to Manhattan or Fort Orange, or, they would do neither, they must defend themselves. They conceded that a concentrated settlement was neces­sary, but everyone proposed his own place as being most conveniently located. They urged that the build­ings could not be moved before harvest time. They earnestly requested that the soldiers might remain until the crops were gathered. To this Stuyvesant would not agree. He told them they must make up their minds. That he and the troops would remain until the place for settlement was inclosed with palisades, provided they went to work at once. They asked time for con­sideration, which was granted. The next day, May 31, 1658, the inhabitants signed the following agreement:‑-

 

"We, the undersigned, all inhabitants of the Aesopus, having from time to time experienced very distressing calamities and felt and discovered, to our loss, the un­reliable and unbearable audacity of the savage barbarous natives, how unsafe it is to trust to their promises, how dangerous and full of anxiety to live at separate places away from each other, among so faithless and mis­chevious tribes, have resolved (upon the proposition and promise made by the Director‑General, the Honble Petrus Stuyvesant, that he will give us a safe‑guard and further help and assist us in future emergencies) and deemed it necessary for the greater safety of our wives and children, to pull down our scattered habitations in the most convenient manner immediately after signing this agreement and to move close to each other to the place indicated by the Honble General, to enclose the place with Palisades of proper length with the assis­tance provided thereto by the Honble General, so that we may protect ourselves and our property by such means, to which the All‑Good God may give His bless­ing, against a sudden attack of the savages; while we bind ourselves, after imploring God and His divine bless­ing on all lawful means, to carry out directly, unanimously and without opposition the foregoing agreement and to accomplish it as quick as possible under a penalty of one thousand guilders to be paid for the benefit of the settlement by him, who should hereafter make any opposition by word or deed. To insure this still more, we have signed this agreement with our own hands in presence of the Honble Director‑General and Sr Goovert Loockermans on board the Ship 'Stede Amster­dam' in New Netherland. Done the last of May Ano 1658."

 

It is signed.

 

"P. Stuyvesant

 

"Govert Loockerman         "Jacob Jansen Stoll

                                          "Thomas Chambers

                                          "Cornelis Barentsen Slecht

                                          "Willem Jansen

                                          "Pieter Dircksen

                                          "Jan Jansen

                                          "Jan Broersen

                                          "Dirck Hendricksen Graaff

                                          "Jan Lootman"

 

The place selected by Stuyvesant was staked out in the afternoon.

 

The Rondout Creek forms the southerly, the Hud­son River the easterly boundary of the City of Kings­ton. From near the water's edge the hills rise quite precipitously to the height of from 150 to 200 feet. From the summit of the hills the land stretches away, a level plain, to the north and west. The City of Kingston was formed in 1872 by the incorporation of the two villages, Rondout and Kingston. Rondout being that portion of the city along the river, the Rondout Creek, up the hill­sides and over a portion of the plain. The village of Kingston being the remainder of the plain. This plain or plateau on its northerly and easterly sides drops abruptly about fifty feet to the lowlands bordering the Esopus Creek about half a mile distant. On its westerly side the plateau also drops some distance to a ravine through which flows the Tannery Brook emptying into the Esopus Creek. This brook, in the olden days, must have been quite a stream, for a mill was erected upon it. The spot selected by Stuyvesant for the settlement was the northwesterly part of the plateau. It was quadrangular in shape having a circumference of about two hundred and ten rods. (A Dutch rod, 12 feet). If necessity required, it could be surrounded by water on three sides. The line of the stockade cannot be exactly located.

 

Approximately it began on the westerly edge of the plateau at about the junction of the present Green and North Front Streets; then ran along the northerly edge of the plateau, the present North Front Street, to about the present junction of that street with Clinton Avenue; then along the easterly edge of the plateau, the present Clinton Avenue, to the junction of that avenue with Main Street; then along the southerly side of the plateau, the present Main Street, to the junction of that street with Green Street; then along the westerly edge of the plateau along the Tannery Brook, along Green Street, to the junction of that street with North Front Street, the place of beginning.

 

In 1695, John Miller, an Episcopal clergyman, who had been a surveyor, made a visit to Kingston with governor Fletcher and made a map of the stockade as it then existed. This shows its location as above stated. At the time of the building of the stockade, the settlers were between sixty and seventy in number. They could muster thirty fighting men. They had over three hundred acres sown to grain. Here, as disclosed by the records, are the names of the settlers and of those who had received patents for lands up to and in­cluding the year 1658:

 

Thomas Chambers, Christopher Davids, Jacob Jansen Stoll or Hap, Harmen Jacobsen alias Bamboes, Jacob Andriesen, Pieter Dircksen, Hendrick Cornelissen, An­dries van der Sluys, Cornelis Barentsen Slecht, Willem Jansen, Jan Jansen, Jan Broersen, Dirck Hendricksen Graaff, Jan Lootman, Johanna de Hulter, Juriaen West­phael, Jan Verbeck, Francis Pietersen, Marten Metselaer, Peter Wolphertsen, Pieter Cornelissen van der Veen, Augustyn Heermans, Jacob Neus.

 

The location of their dwellings before they removed to the site selected by Stuyvesant cannot be exactly fixed. They were on the low lands on each side of the Esopus Creek.

 

On June 1, 1658, Stuyvesant met the Indians, about fifty in number. Gravely, silently, under a great tree they stood. There were the chiefs. Old Preumaecker, Seweckenamo, Ankerop and that baldhead Kaelcop. There were the warriors. Circlets of turkey feathers adorned the head. A breech‑clout of deerskin or duffel cloth they had purchased of the whites is fastened around the waist. A plaid sash of the same thrown over the right shoulder, drawn in a knot around the waist, extends below the knees. Dearskin moccasins. Hatchet in belt. Gun in hand.

 

There, squatting upon the ground, wrapt in their blankets, carefully guarding the children, the old squaws with wondering eyes watch the white men.

 

And there, too, we may be sure, are the belles of the tribe, with their sharp black eyes glancing admir­ingly at the brilliantly clothed soldiers. They are decked out in all their finery. A coat of finely dressed skin or bright cloth, girth around the waist, the skirt decor­ated with wampum, extends to the ankles. The long black hair hangs in a braid down the back into which strings of wampum are twisted. A head band around the forehead is fastened behind in a beaus knot. Brace­lets of wampum are twisted about the wrists and a neck­lace of the same around the throat.

 

There were the pioneers. Redheaded Tom Chambers, Stoll, van der Sluys, and the rest of them, scowling at their foes. And there, sword by his side, dressed in slashed hose fastened at the knee by a knotted scarf; a velvet jacket with slashed sleeves over a full puffed shirt, knee breeches, rosettes upon his shoes, standing firmly on his wooden leg with silver bands, is the gov­ernor of New Netherland, Petrus Stuyvesant.

 

Stuyvesant, speaking through Stoll, who acted as interpreter, told the Indians that they had asked the whites to come to Esopus. They did not own or desire to own a foot of land they did not pay for. No harm had been done to them since he had been governor. He asked them why they had killed the hogs and destroyed the property of the settlers. Why they had set fire to their houses, killed Jacobsen and continually threatened to kill them all. He had come to learn the truth. He did not desire to make war or punish the innocent if the murderer was delivered up and the house paid for. One of the chiefs replied that the Dutch sold the "boisson" (brandy) to his people which made them "cacheus" (drunk). That then the young men could not be con­trolled. It was a Neversink Indian who had committed the murder and he was now living near Haverstroo. The Indian who had fired the house had run away.

 

They had not harmed the whites. They did not intend to fight but could not control the young men. At this the anger of the governor blazed up. If the young braves wanted to fight they could do it then and there. He would match them man with man, twenty against thirty or even forty. Now was the time for them to fight instead of injuring the farmers, their wives and children who could not fight. If they did not stop he would