[p. 70]

CHAPTER VIII.

EXPEDITION INTO CANADA

Although these dashing exploits met with the unqualified approval of public sentiment throughout the country, yet Congress for a time wavered as to the disposition of the captured fortresses. An endorsement of those victories by that body would destroy all chances of an ultimate reconciliation with England, of which some entertained strong hopes; others thought the day for a peaceable settlement had passed, and insisted that those victories should be followed by energetic action. The Green Mountain Boys kept possession of the forts until Congress had, so to speak, legitimated their capture, and by its order, Colonel Hinman's regiment of Connecticut troops was dispatched to relieve them.

Another question had arisen as to which should have the credit of capturing the pasts, Allen or Arnold. Both had sent dispatches to the provincial authorities, with an account of the capture, each claiming the honor of victory. "Colonel Allen," wrote Arnold to the Massachusetts committee of safety, "is a proper man to head his own wild people, but is entirely unacquainted with military service; and as I am the only person who has been legally authorized to take command of this place, I am determined to insist on my rights, . . and shall keep the fort at every hazard, until I have further orders." The Massachusetts authorities referred the matter to Congress.

Allen had written to the Albany committee for men and provisions to enable him to maintain his conquest. That committee feared retaliatory measures from Great Britain, and asked advice of the New York committee; but that body was also unequal to the task of acting in a matter of such moment, and referred likewise to Congress.

Both Allen and Arnold were ambitious for further laurels, and each were anxious to lead an expedition into Canada. Allen wrote to the New York authorities in this strain: "If the Colonies would suddenly push an army of two or three thousand strong into Canada, they might make an easy conquest, except a reinforcement from England should prevent it. Such a diversion would weaken Gage, and insure us Canada. I wish to God America would, at this critical juncture, exert herself agreeably to the indignity offered her by a tyrannical ministry. She might rise on eagles' wings, and mount up to glory, freedom and immortal honor, if she did but know and exert her strength. Fame is now hovering over her head. A vast continent must now sink to slavery, poverty, horror and bondage, or rise to unconquerable freedom, immense wealth, inexpressible felicity, and immortal fame. I will lay my life on it, that with fifteen hundred men and a proper train of artillery I will take Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished, and if an army could command the field, it would be no insuperable difficulty to take Quebec." A letter in similar strain was written by Arnold to the Governor of Connecticut.

About this time Captain Remember Baker was killed by an Indian in the British service. This being the first blood shed in the northern department, his death made more noise in the country than would the loss of a hundred men toward the close of the war.

On the arrival, at Ticonderoga, of Colonel Hinman's Connecticut troops, the greater part of the Green Mountain Boys returned to their homes. Ethan Allen and Seth Warner repaired to Congress to get pay for their men, and to solicit authority to raise a new regiment. They were received with distinguished marks of honor by that body. The same pay was awarded them that was given to the Continental troops; audit was recommended to the New York Convention that a corps of Green Mountain Boys should be raised to serve under officers of their own choosing.

To the Convention of New York Allen and Warner accordingly repaired—the province on whose statute books was recorded an unrepealed act of outlawry against them—and boldly asked for an audience. There was at first some demurring as to their admission to the Hall of Assembly; but patriotism, and an overruling necessity, plead in their behalf. A regiment of Green Mountain Boys, five hundred strong, was decreed, and the people of the Grants were notified of the resolve, and requested to raise the regiment.

Congress was not at first inclined to favor an invasion into Canada, but subsequent developments induced a change in its plans. The recent exploits on the Lake had produced a favorable effect on the Canadians, and it was thought they would flock to the patriot standard were it unfurled among them with an imposing force. Besides, another effectual blow in this quarter might paralyze all hostility, if given before there had been time to rally.

That body thought General Schuyler a fit leader for the undertaking, in which sentiment it was heartily seconded by Washington. Schuyler at once set about his duties amid difficulties that well nigh distracted him. He had calculated on being joined at a certain date by the regiment of Green Mountain Boys which Allen and Warner had undertaken to raise in the Grants. But a quarrel had ensued between those brothers in arms, which filled the Green Mountains with discord and party feuds. The election of officers took place on the 27th of July, by committees from the different townships. Ethan Allen had been passed by, and Seth Warner nominated a Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment. This was a crushing blow to the ambition of Allen. He said in his letters from camp: "I find myself in the favor of the officers of the army, and the younger Green Mountain Boys; but the old farmers on the Hampshire Grants, who do not incline to go to war, and whom I have saved from the encroachments of New York, have met in a committee meeting, and in their nominations have wholly omitted me." Allen repaired to Ticonderoga, where he was retained to act as pioneer on the Canadian frontier.

The expedition against Canada had been determined on. Arnold, more fortunate that his rival, had attained the object of his ambition, which was no less than the command of a force against Canada: he was to proceed by way of the Kennebee River.

At the beginning of September, Gen. Schuyler, who commanded the main expedition, was stationed with his little army at Isle Aux Noix, at the outlet of Lake Champlain. From this point he sent out Colonel Ethan Allen and Major Brown to reconnoitre the country, distribute friendly addresses among the people, and ascertain their feelings. Then proceeding along the Sorel River, he approached the fort at St. Johns, when a cannonade opened, and a slight action ensued. Night coming on, they cast up a small entrenchment and encamped. Owing to unfavorable intelligence they withdrew to Isle Aux Noix to await the arrival of artillery and reinforcements.

Meanwhile, Allen returned from his reconnoitering expedition, of which he gave a most encouraging report. The Canadian captains of the militia were ready, he said, to join the Americans whenever they should appear with sufficient force. He had held talks, too, with the Indians, and found them well disposed. He was convinced that an inroad into the province would meet with a hearty cooperation.

Preparations were made for a second investment of St. Johns, and Ethan Allen was sent to beat up for recruits among the people he had lately visited, while Major Brown was dispatched with one hundred and thirty men to make friends in the vicinity of Chamblee, and form a junction with the army as soon as it should arrive at St. Johns.

General Schuyler had been for some time the victim of a complication of maladies. When every thing was in readiness for his departure, he was attacked by a severe access of his disorder, which compelled him to turn over the conduct of the expedition to General Richard Montgomery. He then set out in a covered barge for Ticonderoga. An hour after his departure he met Colonel Warner with one hundred and fifty Green Mountain Boys, the first that had reported of the new regiment. Some had deserted, and the remainder were at Crown Point, whence they were about to embark. About three hundred of the regiment finally joined the expedition.

The investment of St. Johns was begun, yet it proceeded but slowly. A letter had been received, meantime, from Colonel Allen, giving high hopes of further reinforcement. "I am now," wrote he, "at the parish of St. Ours, four leagues from Sorel to the South. I have two hundred and fifty Canadians under arms. As I march they gather fast. You may rely on it that I shall join you in about three days with five hundred or more Canadian Volunteers. I could raise one or two thousand in a single week's time; but I will first visit the army with a less number, and if necessary, go again recruiting. Those who used to be enemies to our cause come, cap in hand, to me; and I swear by the Lord I can raise three times the number of our army in Canada, provided you continue the siege. The eyes of all America, nay of Europe, are or will be on the economy of this army, and the consequences attending it."

Colonel Ethan Allen was on his way to St. Johns when he met Major Brown with his detachment. A conversation ensued, during which Brown remarked that the garrison at Montreal did not exceed thirty men, and might easily be surprised. Allen's nature was instantly aroused. Here was an opportunity for another bold stroke like that at Ticonderoga. A plan was forthwith agreed upon. Allen was to return to a point nearly opposite Montreal, and cross the river, by means of canoes, a little below the town in the night; while Brown agreed to cross with two hundred men a little above; and the two detachments [p. 80] were to attack Montreal simultaneously at opposite points.

The two parties, who were several miles from each other; mutually agreed that in the event of either being hindered from coming at the time appointed, early notice should be given to the other. The night proved windy, and Brown, judging it dangerous to attempt crossing the river in canoes, went quietly to rest. Allen, apprehending no danger from the wind, on the night of the 24th of September sent the few canoes in his possession repeatedly across the river, first taking the precaution of stationing guards in the roads to prevent any alarm reaching Montreal. As he had heard nothing to the contrary from Brown, he supposed that officer to be carrying out his part of the enterprise.

The day advanced, but no signal came from Major Brown. It was evident he had not crossed. Allen would gladly have retraced the steps he had taken, but it was too late. Information had been conveyed to the town, and a force of forty regular troops were sent out to attack him. A smart action ensued; most of Allen's Canadian recruits gave way and fled; a number of Americans were slain; at last he surrendered to Major Campbell, honorable terms being promised, together with thirty-eight of his men who remained faithful to him.

The prisoners were marched into town and delivered up to Colonel Prescott, the Commandant. Their rough appearance and rude equipments became the subject of much adverse comment. "Their leader," says Irving, "albeit a Colonel, must have seemed worthy of the band; for Allen was arrayed in rough frontier style; a deerskin jacket, a vest and breeches of coarse serge, worsted stockings, stout shoes, and a red woolen cap." We give Allen's own account of the reception he met with:

"He, [the Commandant] asked me my name, which I told him. He then asked me whether I was that Colonel Allen that took Ticonderoga. I told him I was the very man. Then he shook his cane over my head, calling me many hard names, among which he frequently used the word rebel, and put himself in a great rage."

Notwithstanding Major Campbell's promise of honorable treatment of his prisoners, Allen was put on board the Gaspé schooner of war, and heavily ironed—Prescott giving him the parting assurance that he would yet grace a halter at Tyburn. From his place of confinement he wrote the subjoined letter to the General:

"HONORABLE SIR:—In the wheel of transitory events I find myself a prisoner, and in irons. Probably your honor has certain reasons to me inconceivable, though I challenge an instance of this sort of economy of the Americans during the late war to any officers of the Crown. On my part, I have to assure your honor, that when I had the command and took Captain Delaplace and Lieutenant Fulton, with the garrison of Ticonderoga, I treated them with every mark of friendship and generosity, the evidence of which is notorious, even in Canada. I have only to add, that I expect an honorable and humane treatment, as an officer of my rank and merit should bear, and subscribe myself, your honor's most obedient servant,

ETHAN ALLEN."

The following is appended by the British annotator: "N. B.—The author of the above letter is an outlaw, and a reward is offered by the New York Assembly for apprehending him."

After the prisoners had been conducted into Montreal, General Prescott gave orders to a sergeant and file of men, to put to death some Canadians who had been taken in arms with Colonel Allen. They forthwith went, with bayonets fixed, to execute their commission. Allen, understanding their purpose, stepped between them and the Canadians, and told the guard to thrust him with their bayonets if they must shed human blood, but to spare the Canadians who deserved no censure, as what they had done was in obedience to his orders. The guards hesitated; and Prescott being consulted, that officer revoked the order.*

During Allen's imprisonment he was confined on board a man-of-war, commanded by Captain Littlejohn, who exercised much clemency towards his prisoner, and removed his irons except when military officers came on board. A dispute arose between the Captain and an officer, resulting in arrangements for a duel. The Captain requested Allen to serve as his friend. The latter replied "if it was consistent with his situation he would do himself the honor." The Captain answered that "he could change his dress, and go on shore in disguise, and no questions would be asked." The parties went ashore, but by the interposition of friends the dispute was settled.

At a later period, Colonel Allen was put on board a ship under command of Captain Smith.

* Ira Allen's History of Vermont.

He was heavily ironed, and confined in the most dreary part of the vessel. When fairly out to sea, Captain Smith ordered Allen's irons taken off; and requested him to eat at his own table while he remained on shipboard. The Colonel came from his dark abode and thanked the Captain for his generous conduct, remarking "he did not know it would ever be in his power to return the compliment." That officer replied—"gentlemen did not know when they might render essential services to one another."

On board was a great number of prisoners, who laid a plan to kill Captain Smith, and run off with the ship. When the project was ripe for execution, Allen was led into the secret. He firmly told them if they murdered Captain Smith they must also murder him, at which they were greatly alarmed. He quieted their fears by saying, "drop your plans, and I will be as faithful to you as I have been to Captain Smith." Here the matter ended, and the Captain never knew of his danger, nor of the service of his grateful friend.

Information had been received by Gen. Washington of the indignities heaped upon Colonel Allen, captured by Prescott when Commandant at Montreal, and who was now, himself, a prisoner in the hands of the Americans. Washington wrote to General Howe to the following import;

"SIR:—We have just been informed of a circumstance, which, were it not so well authenticated, I should scarcely think credible. It is that Colonel Allen, who, with his small party, was defeated and made prisoner near Montreal, has been treated without regard to decency, humanity, or the rules of war; that he has been thrown into irons, and suffers all the hardships inflicted upon common felons.

"I think it is my duty, sir, to demand, and do expect from you, an eclaircissement on this subject. At the same time, I flatter myself, from the character which Mr. Howe bears as a man of honor, gentleman and soldier, that my demand will meet with his approbation. I must take the liberty, also, of informing you that I shall consider your silence as a confirmation of the report, and further assuring you, that whatever treatment Colonel Allen receives, whatever fate he undergoes, such exactly shall be the fate of Brigadier Prescott, now in our hands. The law of retaliation is not only justifiable in the eyes of God and man but absolutely a duty."

Washington observed in a letter to Congress: "My reason for pointing out Prescott as the object who is to suffer for Allen's fate, is that I am given to understand that Prescott is the cause of Allen's sufferings. I thought best to be decisive on the occasion, as did the generals whom I consulted thereon."

Shortly afterwards, Washington received a letter from Levi Allen, a brother to the Colonel, and of like enterprising and enthusiastic character. It was dated from Salisbury, Connecticut, and enclosed affidavits of the harsh treatment his brother had experienced, and of his being confined on board of the Gaspé, "with a bar of iron fixed to one of his legs, and iron to his hands." Levi proposed to go to England, where he supposed his brother was, raise a mob and set him free, bribe the jailor, or in some way deliver him front confinement. Washington kindly advised against Levi's wild project. The measure of retaliation was actually meted out to Prescott, of which Washington spoke in his letter to Howe.

The efforts of Washington and Congress to effect the exchange of Ethan Allen, "the brave, but eccentric captor of Ticonderoga," were meritorious. The daring exploits of that chieftain had cost him a world of trouble. "Thrown into prison as a felon; threatened with a halter; carried to England to be tried for treason; confined in Pendennis Castle; retransported to Halifax; and now a prisoner in New York." He writes: "I have suffered everything short of death. I am fired with adequate indignation to revenge both my own and my country's wrongs. I am experimentally certain I have fortitude sufficient to face the invaders of America in the place of danger, spread with all the horrors of war. Provided you can hit upon some measure to procure my liberty, I will appropriate my remaining days, and freely hazard my life in the service of the colony, and maintaining the American Empire. I thought to have enrolled my name in the list of American heroes, but was nipped in the bud."

Allen was finally exchanged for Colonel Campbell, after three years of captivity. Washington, in a letter recommending that something be done for him, observes: "His gratitude and firmness seemed to have placed him out of the reach of misfortune. There is an original something about him that commands admiration, and his long captivity and sufferings have only served to increase, if possible, his enthusiastic zeal. He appears very desirous of rendering his services to the States, and of being employed; and at the same time he does not discover any ambition for high rank." On the strength of this recommendation, Congress voted Allen a brevet commission of Colonel.

Montgomery, during his campaign in Canada, [p. 90] retained Colonel Warner and his regiment of Green Mountain Boys, who contributed their services to the downfall of the strongholds of Chamblee, St. Johns, and Montreal; having served out the time for which they had enlisted, they were dismissed and returned home.

In 1776, soon after the death of Montgomery at the storming of Quebec, the Hampshire Grants raised a second regiment under Colonel Warner, which marched to Quebec, and gave essential relief to the besieging army of that place. At the beginning of May the siege was raised in consequence of the bad state of health of the troops, and the arrival of reinforcements from England. General Sullivan conducted the retreat in a masterly manner; the army arrived at Crown Point in due time, in a deplorable state.

CHAPTER IX.

ESTABLISHMENT OF A CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

This disastrous retreat exposed the frontiers of the Grants to an invasive war; most of the inhabitants of Onion River and along the shore of Lake Champlain instantly removed, and the militia was organized for the general defense. Internal dissensions were rife regarding the establishment of a civil government. Some were for joining with New Hampshire; others were in favor of forming a new state; and a few proposed uniting with New York during the war; but this last too much effected the title to lands to be seriously considered.

Vermont was likely to be devastated as a common battle ground; yet the people met in Convention at Dorset, January, 1776, and drew up a petition to Congress, in which they declared their readiness to furnish their quota of men in support of the war, and bearing an equal proportion of the expense, and asked that their rights might be secured them. Congress recommended that they submit to the authority of New York for the present, and assist their countrymen in the contest with Great Britain.

Colonel Allen being in captivity, Baker dead, Warner, Cockran, and others, engaged in the army, the Council of the New Hampshire Grants was greatly weakened, and months passed without any decisive results. The government of the province was conducted by committees and conventions as before the war, though the bitterness of the dispute with New York seemed to be lost in the common cause of the struggling colonies; for those who had been outlawed for high treason against the government of New York, now passed freely through that province.

The following were some of the reasons for forming a new State:

A new government would perpetuate the name of the Green Mountain Boys, and the honor of their leaders.

A new government would establish the title to their lands under the New Hampshire Grants, and provide that unappropriated lands might be disposed of to defray the expenses of the war.

The active part taken by her citizens in the taking of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, would entitle the State to a favorable consideration by Congress.

That upon the revolutionary principles adopted by Congress, Vermont was the oldest State in America.

A call was issued for a convention, which, after several adjournments, on the 15th of January, 1777, declared the district of New Hampshire Grants to be a free and independent State. A declaration and a petition to Congress were drawn up, and a committee appointed to present the same.

New York, alarmed at the possible consequences of the measure, wrote to Congress, through the President of the Committee of Safety, as follows:

"I am directed to inform Congress that by the arts and influence of certain designing men, a part of this state has been prevailed on to revolt. Information we have received would lead us to believe some persons in our sister States have fostered and fomented these divisions. But as those informations tend to accuse some of your honorable body being concerned in this scheme, decency obliges us to suspend our belief. The Convention are sorry to observe that by conferring a commission upon Colonel Warner, with authority to name the officers of a regiment to be raised independently of the Legislature of this State, and within that part of it which hath lately declared itself independent, Congress bath given too much weight to the insinuations of those who pretend that your honorable body are determined to support those insurgents; especially as this Colonel Warner hath been constantly and invariably opposed to the legislature of this State, and hath been on that very account proclaimed an outlaw by the late government thereof. It is absolutely necessary to recall the commissions given to Colonel Warner, and the officers under him, as nothing else will do justice to us." Congress voted to dismiss the petition of Vermont.

Notwithstanding this rebuff, the people resolved to draft a constitution for the new State. A committee was also appointed to visit the officer in command at Ticonderoga, and consult with him respecting the defense of the frontiers.

While the committee was at that post, Burgoyne appeared in force on Lake Champlain, and resting at Crown Point sent a detachment of three hundred, mostly Indians, to land at the mouth of Otter Creek, and ravage the frontier settlements. The commanding officer at Ticonderoga refused to send off any of his troops in aid of the panic-stricken families, but allowed Col. Warner to go with the committee to raise a volunteer force from the Green Mountain Boys.

A hasty levy was raised, with which the raiders were promptly repelled.

All who were members of the Convention left the militia and repaired to Windsor, July 4th. A draft of the constitution was laid before the convention and read. The matter under consideration was new, of great moment, and required serious deliberation; it was debated step by step, and paragraph by paragraph. While absorbed in their duty, an express arrived with tidings that Ticonderoga had been evacuated, and that the whole frontier of the Hampshire Grants was exposed to the ravages of the enemy.

At this awful crisis the Convention was for adjourning, as many of the members had families residing in the portions likely to be overrun by the enemy and their Indian allies. Indications of a terrible thunder storm among the mountains having put all thoughts of immediately going home out of the question, some of the more thoughtful called attention to their unfinished work. In the midst of the peals of thunder, the incessant flashes of lightning and the tumult of the elements without, the constitution was read, paragraph by paragraph, for the last time; and as the sun broke forth upon a smiling landscape, invigorated with the summer shower, Vermont was in possession of a constitution, and stood pledged toils support. A Council of Safety was instituted to act during the recess, the Convention adjourned, and the members betook themselves to their homes.

Three days afterward, this "outlaw" Warner and his proscribed Green Mountain regiment were engaged in deadly conflict, on the soil of Vermont, with the British and Indian foes of America, on the memorable battle field of Hubbardton, in which Warner's force was decimated to about ninety men.

CHAPTER X.

BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.

The British were of opinion that the people of the Grants were opposed to the Revolution, and would join the standard of Pngland the moment a force was marched into the territory. This belief was founded on the dissensions with New York, the unsatisfactory resolutions of Congress, and the charges of outlawry brought against the people of be Grants by their neighbors.

Bennington was a central place, whither the live stock had been collected, and whence the American army derived its supplies. It was likewise a depot of wheeled vehicles and grain deposits, and was guarded by relieving bodies of militia. Bennington was to be surprised. The country was to be scoured from Rockingham to Otter Creek. All public magazines were to be sacked. All cattle belonging to royalists, and which could be spared by their owners, were to be paid for; and all the rebel herds and flocks were to be driven away.

Colonel Skene, the noted royalist after whom Skenesborough (now Whitehall) was named, held a position in the expedition: indeed, it was owing largely to his representations that it was undertaken. Lieut.-Col. Baum was sent in charge of the detachment. He had in his command two hundred dismounted dragoons of the regiment of Riedesel, Captain Frazer's British marksmen, some Canadian Tories, and Indians, in all amounting to about five hundred men, with two pieces of cannon. It was expected the dragoons would supply themselves with horses in the course of the foray, and a skeleton corps of royalists would be filled up with recruits.

Burgoyne encamped on the east side of the Hudson, so as to be near at hand in case assistance [p. 100] was wanted. Baum set out from camp at break of day on the 13th of August, 1777. The state of the roads, the excessive heat, and want of horses and wagons, all contributed to render the progress slow and tedious. A few horses were brought in, and some wagons captured; but the inhabitants managed to remove most of their effects in time. The Indians killed or drove off all that came into their hands, unless they were paid in cash for their prizes.

Baum found the people of Bennington ready to give him a reception. The veteran Stark was there, with eight hundred New Hampshire militia; and Colonel Warner found himself at the head of about six hundred Green Mountain Boys, hastily collected to repel the invaders. Thus once more the cause of American Independence was to rest largely on the valor and patriotism of the outlawed Warner and his band of brave followers.

Stark had, with difficulty, been prevailed on to take the command. He had a farm among the Vermont Mountains, and his sympathies were in harmony with her people; he, too, was smarting under a sense of the injustice of Congress. He only took up arms, he said, in a moment of exigency, to defend the neighborhood which otherwise would be exposed to the ravages of the enemy.

On the 15th, Stark sent forward a detachment under Colonel Gregg, and on the following day advanced with his own men to support them. He met them about five miles off, in full retreat, with Baum and his force a mile or more in the rear.

Stark now halted, and deployed his men for action. Baum drew up his troops and formed them in a strong position on high ground at a bend of a little river, and began to intrench. Stark fell back to await reinforcements, and to entice Baum from his intrenchments. A skirmish took place in which thirty of Baum's men and two Indian Chiefs were killed.

The incessant rain of the 15th prevented a general engagement, but there was continual skirmishing. Baum employed the interim in strengthening his position; and finding the opposite force much larger than he anticipated, he had sent off in all haste to Burgoyne for reinforcements. The latter immediately detached Col. Breyman with five hundred Hessian Grenadiers and infantry, and two six pounders, leaving behind him his tents, baggage and standards. So bad were the roads, that Breyman was nearly two days getting little more than twenty miles.

Meanwhile expresses had been sent in every direction by the Americans, and recruits were pouring in from all parts of the country:—among them, Colonel Symonds with a body of Berkshire Militia.

On the morning of the 16th, the sun was shining brightly, and Stark prepared to attack Baum in his intrenchments, although, for the most part, his men had only ordinary firelocks without bayonets. He separated his force into two divisions: one was detached to the enemy's left under Colonel Nichols; a second, under Col. Herrick, was sent to the rear of his right; these two were to join and attack the British in the rear, while the third was to make a demonstration in front.

Col. Skene and other royalists, when they saw the Americans issuing from the woods on different sides, endeavored to persuade Baum that these were some of the Tories flocking to his standard. The Indians were the first to discover the error. "The woods are full of Yankees," they shouted; and retreated, yelling like demons, between the troops of Nichols and Herrick. Several of them were killed as they ran the gauntlet.

At the first sound of firearms, Stark, who had remained behind in camp, mounted his horse and gave the word forward! The homely speech made by him when in sight of the enemy is familiar to every school boy. "Now, my men! there are the red-coats! Before night they are ours, or Molly Stark will be a widow!"

Baum found himself assaulted on every side, but he fought with a dogged stubbornness and determination. He planted his cannon advantageously, and his fire was effective. Stark, who was in the battle of Bunker Hill, and in engagements in the French war, says it was the hottest fight he ever saw. He inspired his men with his own impetuosity. They drove the royalists upon the Hessians, and pressing after them, mounted the works with incredible fury. A Hessian eyewitness declared the rebels fought with desperation, advancing to within eight paces of the loaded cannon to take surer aim at the artillerists. The latter were slain and the cannon captured. The royalists and Canadians took to flight and escaped to the woods. The Hessians maintained their ground until the last cartridge was expended; then taking their broadswords, Baum and his men attempted to cut their way to a road in the woods. Many were killed in the attempt, and the survivors were taken prisoners. Baum was among the wounded.

The victors now dispersed; some to collect the booty, or seek refreshments, and others to care for the wounded or look after the prisoners. At this juncture Breyman's tardy reinforcement came up, making its slow and toilsome way to the scene of action, with numbers augmented by many of the enemy that had fled. Stark made superhuman efforts to rally his men, but all were in hopeless confusion. Just as the day seemed lost to the Americans, the standard of Colonel Warner came in sight, borne by his six hundred Green Mountain Boys, fresh from repose, and eager for the fray; for were not the safety of their homes, and the fate of their wives and children, dependent on the issues of their arms

The shock and tumult of battle broke out anew as these newsy arrived reinforcements joined in deadly strife, and the ground was to be fought over once more. It was four in the afternoon when this second action commenced. Stark's men rallied, and entered again into the fight; Col. Breyman's command was driven before the patriot forces from wood to wood, and from hill to hill, until sunset. The last stand of the enemy was at Van Shaick's mill, where, having expended all their ammunition; the enemy retreated under cover of night, leaving two field pieces and all their baggage in the hands of the Americans.

Burgoyne was awakened in the night with the intelligence that Baum had met and surrendered to the enemy. Next came word that Breyman was engaged in severe and doubtful conflict. Drums beat to arms. The whole camp was roused, and Burgoyne was preparing to march his whole army to Breyman's assistance, when word came in that he was on his way back in safety. The main army remained in camp at the Batten Kiln, but Burgoyne forded that stream and pushed forward until he met Breyman and his troops, haggard and fatigued from hard fighting and incessant marching in the hot weather. Four brass field pieces, nine hundred dragoon swords, one thousand stand of arms, and four ammunition wagons were the fruits of the victory. Thirty-two officers and four hundred and sixty-four privates were taken prisoners. The Americans lost one hundred in killed and wounded. The British killed could not be ascertained, as many had fallen in the woods. Stark remarked, that had there been another hour of daylight, the whole British force would have fallen into their hands.

Tidings of the affair at Bennington reached Washington just before be moved his camp from the neighborhood of Philadelphia, and it relieved his mind of a load of anxiety. In a letter to Putnam he wrote: "As there is not now the least danger of General Howe's going to New England, I hope the whole force of the country will turn out, and by following the great stroke struck by General Stark near Bennington, entirely crush Burgoyne, who seems to be in want of almost everything."

The compliment paid to the troops of Vermont by General Burgoyne, was to this effect: "The district of the New Hampshire Grants, a wilderness little known in the last war, now abounds with the most active, rebellious and hardy race of men on the continent, who hang like a gathering storm, ready to burst on my left." This was written shortly previous to his capitulation. This brilliant double victory at Bennington, by relieving New England from apprehensions, and enabling the patriots to concentrate their forces against Burgoyne, resulted in forcing that General to surrender, on the plains of Saratoga, as noble an army as was ever sent to subdue a country. The news spread through America and Europe, sealed the alliance between France and the United States, and so secured their independence.

In the next chapter we will relate how this timely service of the Green Mountain Boys was requited by Congress. It is not within the range of human wisdom to say what would have been the effect on the American cause, had the demand of New York been complied with, and Stark and Warner been stripped of their commissions before the battle of Bennington. The enemy would have been left to devastate the country at their pleasure, and by diverting the patriot stores in and around Bennington to the use of Burgoyne's army, thereby rendered his position well-nigh impregnable.

[p. 110]

CHAPTER XI.

PRIVATE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BRITISH.

Brilliant and signal as had been the feats of these Vermonters with the sword, not less so were their acts of diplomacy. One can but be impressed with the spectacle of a handful of men accomplishing by policy what they could never have done by power—for years keeping at bay an army of British troops 10,000 strong, hovering over and in readiness to swoop down and devastate their exposed and unprotected frontier, at the same time the people were permitted to go on unconcernedly about their harvest.

The claims to independence on the part of Vermont were still unacknowledged by Congress, and New York was still importunate and vexatious. The British generals in America endeavored to turn these circumstances to their own account, by detaching Vermont from the cause of the Colonies, and making it a British province. The first intimation that the people of Vermont had of this circumstance was conveyed in a letter from Colonel Beverly Robinson, dated New York, Mar. 30th, 1780, and delivered to Colonel Ethan Allen in the street at Arlington in July. Allen communicated the contents of the letter to Governor Chittenden and some others, but returned no answer.

Meantime, the village of Royalton had been sacked and burned by a party of three hundred Indians under a British officer, four of the inhabitants killed, and twenty-five taken prisoners. It was arranged that the Governor should address a communication to General Haldimand, then commanding in Canada, proposing a cartel for the exchange of prisoners,—the letter to be sent under a flag to the enemy's lines. In October, the British appeared in great force on the lake; such was the alarm that the Legislature, then in session at Bennington, adjourned, many of the members taking arms and hastening to the frontiers.

In a few days Colonel Ethan Allen received a flag from Carleton, with an answer to Governor Chittenden's letter respecting the cartel. With it was enclosed a proposition for a truce with Vermont. Allen agreed to the proposal on condition that the frontiers of Vermont should include the territory to the Hudson River. This truce, however, was not publicly known; the militia were immediately disbanded and allowed to return home. The militia of New York were also on their frontiers; not being in the secret, they were surprised to see the Vermont troops returning home, and still more to learn that the British were retiring to Canada.

In February, 1781, Colonel Robinson wrote again to Ethan Allen, enclosing a copy of the former letter. He was induced to make another trial, he said, "especially as I can now write with more authority, and assure you, that you may obtain the terms mentioned in the above letter, provided you and the people of Vermont take a decisive and active part with us."

Allen returned no answer to either of these letters, but enclosed them both in a communication to Congress. In that letter he says: "I am confident that Congress will not dispute my sincere attachment to my country, though I do not hesitate to say I am fully grounded in opinion that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, provided the United States persist in rejecting her application for a union with them; for Vermont, of all people, would be most miserable, were she obliged to defend the independence of the United States, and they at the same time at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of Vermont. I am as resolutely determined to defend the independence of Vermont, as Congress that of the United States, and rather than fail, will retire with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns of the mountains, and wage war with the devil, hell, and human nature at large." This somewhat forcible language was excusable under the circumstances.

Early in that year, Vermont, by a vote of her Legislature, adopted the policy of the States of New York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, that had been laying claim to the territory of the Grants, and put in her claim of jurisdiction over a large part of each of those States. Thus Vermont was turning the weapons of her antagonists upon themselves. Numbers of representatives from the annexed districts took their seats in the Vermont assembly. At the time of extending her claims, she passed an act of general amnesty; this liberal and wise act of lenity had the desired effect.

The State of Vermont was at this time in forlorn condition; torn by intestine divisions and the intrigues of her enemies in Congress: all the cannons, nay, every spade and pickaxe taken by her valiant sons at Ticonderoga and Crown Point were removed out of the State to Fort George; Colonel Warner's regiment, raised in and for the protection of Vermont, was put into Continental service, and stationed to defend the frontiers of New York, not half so much exposed as Vermont; at the same time New York had recalled her State troops from Skenesborough, while an enemy, by coming up Lake Champlain, might land within a day's march of hundreds of inhabitants who were remaining on their farms. Congress had interfered with the internal policy of Vermont, by cutting off her ways and means of raising money and men for self defense by the following: "Resolved, unanimously, that in the opinion of this body, no unappropriated lands or estates, which are or may be adjudged forfeited, or confiscated, lying in said district [Vermont], ought, until the final decision of Congress in the premises, be granted or sold." We transcribe, on this topic, the words of Ira Allen:

"Thus left, as she had reason to suppose, by the intrigues of those who claimed and coveted her fertile soil, to be a prey to the common enemy, similar to the fate of their brethren, descendants from Connecticut, who settled at Wyoming and Susquehanna, and were mostly killed by a party of Indians; their towns and villages burned, and their country depopulated (supposed to be through the intrigues of land-jobbers), which has since become a prey to the Pennsylvania claimants, a junto similar to the New York monopolists, who were then taking every measure that the malignancy and avarice of human nature could suggest, for the destruction of the people of Vermont." That there was some foundation for this explanation of the Wyoming massacre, is made only too apparent by subsequent events.

In April, 1781, Colonel Ira Allen was commissioned to settle a cartel with the British in Canada for the exchange of prisoners, and also to procure an armistice between the British forces and Vermont. This was thought well-nigh impracticable, as the British troops numbered 10,000 effective men, which must remain inactive, not being, able to annoy other States without first annoying Vermont, while the latter had only 7,000 men as an offset. But an armistice must be had, or the frontiers evacuated until assistance could come from the States whose influence had rendered Vermont defenseless.

Allen arrived at Isle Aux Noix in due time, and was accorded apartments by Major Dundas, the officer in charge. At a convenient time Allen observed that Congress was endeavoring to bring Vermont into subjection to New York, but that they, rather than yield, would see Congress subjected to the British government, provided that Vermont could be a distinct colony under the Crown on safe and honorable terms; and that the people were not disposed longer to assist a government which might subject them and their posterity to New York, under which they could never be safe in person or property.

The replication to these observations was, that the territory of Vermont could be a colony under the Crown, with privileges equal to those enjoyed by any other colony, and that those who assisted in effecting such an event, would be duly honored and rewarded. Much conversation passed on the subject, of which General Haldimand was duly informed. Nothing decisive was accomplished, but the negotiation caused the army to remain inactive, which was a matter of congratulation to Allen.

The cartel was completed, and a verbal agreement entered into that hostilities should cease between Great Britain and those under the jurisdiction of Vermont, until after the sitting of the Legislature of that state. On Colonel Allen's return several influential people waited on him, desiring to be advised whether to remain or remove to the interior portions of the country. Allen told them to remain quiet on their farms, and not think it strange though they had no army to protect the frontier; and that should any event make it necessary, for the safety of their families, to move, they might depend on seasonable information. This immunity of Vermont from the aggressions of the British, led the people on the borders to be all the more anxious to be annexed to her territory, as a measure of safety to their families and to their property.

Grave suspicions having become rife that negotiations were being carried on between Vermont and the British in Canada, several men of discernment among the Whigs were sent from Vermont and the neighboring States to attend the sessions of the Legislature, to watch if there might be measures pursuing which would be eventually injurious to the common cause of the United States.

On the other hand, the British in Canada were anxious to know whether Allen and his friends would be faithful, and so conduct matters as to justify a cessation of hostilities. With these objects in view, their representatives attended the sessions; as the Assembly convened in the meeting house the spectators took seats in the galleries.

In a few days both houses joined in a committee to consider the subject of Ira Allen's mission to Canada. The Governor proceeded to state the facts of the settlement of the cartel, and that [p. 120] if further particulars were desired, Colonel Allen was then present and could best inform them. On being requested to speak, Allen made his statement, which showed the British had exhibited great generosity in the transaction; and after stating sundry things, concluded with the remark that if any member, or auditor in the gallery, wished to ask further questions, he was ready to answer them.

Those who were in the interest of the United States paid their compliments to Allen for his open and candid conduct. In the evening he had a conference with the Canadian spectators, who seemed to be equally well pleased.

In July, Ethan Allen was informed by one of his neighbors that some of his friends from Canada wished to speak with him in the dusk of the evening of that day. At the time appointed, Allen, with only his cane in hand, cheerfully went to a British guard under arms, and received a packet. In the evening of the following day he met them again and returned an answer. This mode of correspondence was continued; and whenever dispatches came in this way, General Ethan Allen or Colonel Ira Allen (they lived in the same house) went and received them and returned an answer, not trusting the dispatches to any other person. It is worthy of remark that Sunderland, their place of residence, was more than sixty miles from the frontiers, yet a sergeant and guard frequently passed with their arms in 1781 and 1782, without being discovered by any one who would inform against them.

About this tine there appeared in the newspapers of the day a letter from Lord George Germain to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Whitehall, Feb. 7th, 1781, which letter had been captured by the French and carried to Paris, from whence it had been forwarded to Congress, and by them ordered to be printed. It ran thus:

"The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance is an event of the utmost importance to the King's affairs; and at this time, if the French and Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada, may be considered as opposing an effectual barrier to the attempt. General Haldimand, who has the same instructions with you to draw over those people, and give them support, will, I doubt not, push up a body of troops to act in conjunction with them, to secure all the avenues through their country into Canada; and when the season admits, take possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut Rivers, and cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. How far they may be able to extend themselves southward or eastward must depend on their numbers, and the disposition of the inhabitants."

This letter had greater influence on Congress than all other considerations that had yet been brought to bear; and that body promptly directed that a committee be appointed to confer with a like committee from Vermont, "on what terms it may be proper to admit Vermont into a federal Union of these States."

Accordingly, Vermont sent on her committee; while they were in Philadelphia they procured a copy of a letter from the Governor of New Hampshire to the President of Congress, stating that his State could not furnish its quota of men or money in support of the war, as a third part of the State had revolted and joined Vermont. This draft Allen transmitted to the British Commissioners at Skenesborough, who laughed heartily with the Vermont committee.

Those who are disposed to regard this action of Allen and his associates as inimical to the cause of American Independence, will do well to consider that the effect was to neutralize the strength of 10,000 British troops as opposed to a like number from Vermont; the final result to the cause would be the same as though both forces took the field and slaughtered each other, with the advantage to Vermont that she was saved from being overrun by a devastating army.

Meanwhile the British Commissioners were becoming impatient. They stated as their instructions, which they were not at liberty to deviate from without putting an end to the armistice, that his Excellency, General Haldimand, in pursuance of full powers vested in him by his Majesty, should issue his proclamation offering to confirm Vermont as a colony under the Crown, provided the people would return to their allegiance; that an army should come up the Lake in October with said proclamation, and the Legislature must accept the same, and with the British take measures for their common defense.

This was a sore strait for perplexed Vermont diplomats. It was deemed best, however, to have the proclamations brought up the Lake rather than incur the risk of a discontinuance of the armistice, in the present defenseless state of the frontier.

The Legislature met at Charlestown early in October, and about the same time a powerful British army under St. Leger was landed at Ticonderoga. A skirmish having occurred between a party of Vermonters under command of Sergeant Tupper and a number of the enemy, the Sergeant was killed and his men retreated. St. Leger sent his clothes and effects, with an open letter, to General Enos, informing him of the fate of the Sergeant, and apologizing for his death. This dispatch and the apparel were publicly delivered to General Enos, which made no little noise among the troops.

The preceding negotiations were not known to more than a dozen men in Vermont. An express came in with letters for Governor Chittenden, announcing the arrival of the British at Ticonderoga, in which were blended public matters and private negotiations. The messenger had not failed to proclaim the extraordinary message of St. Leger, which occasioned large crowds to follow, to hear the news. On opening the letters the Governor saw it was not prudent to have them publicly read. At this confused moment Major Runnals came running in and demanded of Colonel Allen the reason why St. Leger was sorry the Sergeant was killed? Allen replied he could not tell. Runnals repeated the question, to which Allen then made an evasive answer. This enraged Runnals, who again loudly demanded what reasons could possibly induce a British general to be sorry when his enemies were killed? Allen retorted with some warmth by advising Runnals to go at the head of his regiment and demand of St. Leger the reasons for his sorrow, and not stay there eating up the country's provisions and doing nothing while the frontiers were invaded. This manœvre drew all attention, for the moment, from the letters. Meanwhile new ones were made out which were read in place of the originals for the satisfaction of the people.

The crisis is approaching, yet the leaders in the stirring drama are not dismayed. A communication from Allen to the British announces that matters are going on propitiously for their designs, but in view of unfavorable reports direct from the seat of war, suggested it would hardly be expedient to publish the proclamation just then. In less than an hour after this communication reached Ticonderoga, an express arrived there with the news of the capture of Cornwallis and his entire army. Before night the British had embarked all their troops and stores, and had set sail with all haste for Canada. Thus were the Vermont diplomatists relieved, at the last moment, from their embarrassment and danger; and thus were the frontiers of that State preserved from the horrors of war by the sagacity and daring of a few determined men.

CHAPTER XII.

CONCLUSION.

Years elapsed. Hostilities between Great Britain and the American Colonies had ceased; and on the 20th of January, 1783, the preliminary articles of peace were signed, which established the independence of the United States. The adoption of the Federal Constitution followed, which was ratified by the thirteen original States, and the first Congress assembled under it March 3d, 1789. During the period succeeding the peace, Vermont had been pursuing the even tenor of her way, not over-solicitous about an organic union with the States, and without any external foes to dread. But the ancient difference with New York still remained unsettled. A new political generation had come upon the stage, in whose bosoms the bitter feuds of their fathers were not perpetuated.

One difficulty, however, presented itself. New York had aforetime granted large tracts of land in Vermont, and the grantees were loudly complaining of the injustice in not being allowed to take possession of the property, or having its purchase price refunded. New York felt no very strong obligation to refund the money that had been extorted for those grants by royal governors before the war; still she was disposed to favor a compromise. Public opinion and mutual interests called for a reconciliation with Vermont, and her admission into the Confederacy of States, inasmuch as the measure would increase the representation of New England in Congress.

On the 23d of October, 1789, committees from the respective Legislatures of Vermont and New York met to arrange the settlement of the only issue remaining—the amount of compensation the claimants under the New York grants should receive from Vermont. It was agreed that on payment [p. 130] being made to her of $30,000, New York was to consent to the admission of Vermont into the Union, and to give up all claims to jurisdiction within the latter State. On the 18th of February, 1791, Congress, without a dissenting voice or vote, passed an Act "That on the 4th day of March, 1791, the said State, by the name and style of the 'State of Vermont,' shall be received and admitted into their Union as a new and entire member of the United States of America."

THE END.

[The following is reproduced verbatim from the book for the sake of completeness; the addresses and prices are no longer valid. – JR, ed.]

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A LOST CHAPTER IN AMERICAN HISTORY.

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